Tag: data

  • Bill that could limit abortion pill access starts trip through Ohio Senate

    Bill that could limit abortion pill access starts trip through Ohio Senate

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    Bill that could limit abortion pill access starts trip through Ohio Senate

    An Ohio House bill creating in-person requirements for “high-risk” medications is now in an Ohio Senate committee after passing the House last year. Advocates question the bill’s metrics and say it’s a back-door way to attack abortion pill access.

    Ohio House Bill 324 was brought by Republican sponsors to create “greater oversight” over medications that are determined to have “a high risk of severe adverse effects,” according to bill sponsor state Rep. Adam Mathews, R-Lebanon.

    The bill passed the Ohio House in November along party lines, 60 to 28.

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    Using insurance claims data, patient reporting, and “applicable data” from the FDA, the bill would require in-person appointments for medications that have caused complications that required hospitalization like sepsis or hemorrhaging, cases of organ failure, or death, in more than 5% of its users.

    “The rise of mail-order medication and telehealth has transformed how Ohioans access prescription and over-the-counter drugs,” Mathews told the Ohio Senate Health Committee.

    “While telehealth often is beneficial, offering increased access to care and convenience, it may fall short when high-risk medications are involved.”

    The measure’s co-sponsor, state Rep. Meredith Craig, R-Smithville, said requiring in-person consultations and banning mail-order sales of “dangerous drugs” through the bill “protects Ohio’s citizens from the risks associated with inadequate oversight in mail-order and telehealth systems.”

    The bill does not single out one medication specifically, but it was criticized in the House for the consequences it could have on medical access to necessary medications like diabetes prescriptions and blood thinners, and also the data that could be used to declare a medication in-person only.

    Even before a national battle over the medication abortion drug mifepristone came to Congress and the U.S. Supreme Court, H.B. 324 heard from reproductive rights advocates who said the bill could create an avenue for debunked or medically unsound studies to be used to argue that medication abortion drugs have too many adverse effects. The drug has been approved by the FDA for decades and has seen decades of peer-reviewed medical studies showing serious complications to be statistically rare.

    If mifepristone and its companion drug misprostol were required to be prescribed only during in-person appointments, abortion access could be impacted in low-income areas, and areas of the state where clinics and medical facilities are limited, advocates told House Health Committee members last year.

    Anti-abortion advocacy groups spoke in support of the bill while it was in the committee, saying the bill would provide “necessary safeguards” specifically for medication abortion pills.

    In the recent Ohio Senate hearing, physician and state Sen. Beth Liston, D-Dublin, pointed to national drug safety data collection and peer-reviewed scientific journals “that do a broad analysis of drug safety.”

    “But you’re excluding them from being used (in the bill),” she said to the co-sponsors.

    Craig said discussions were had while the bill was considered in the House, and “ultimately, the language in the bill includes strong measures,” including the use of insurance claim data and patient reports.

    “Quite honestly, looking at actual insurance claims, I think, is where we’re going to find the most concrete data in this,” Craig said.

    She added that 30 other states use insurance data to “establish and try and figure out the value of care.”

    “You have to look at what the cost of care is,” she told Liston. “Insurance claims paying for that is a big part of that.”

    Liston pushed back on the argument, saying insurance claims don’t point directly to the outcome of drugs and their safety.

    “No one uses insurance claims to look at health outcomes when you have other mechanisms specifically to do so, especially when there’s no real transparency publicly on Medicaid data, Medicare …,” Liston said. “Whereas, there is a national drug safety database and surveillance system that captures that.”

    The senator noted data on blood thinners and diabetes medications that show they can have the severe adverse effects the co-sponsors noted as part of the bill’s focus, and asked if regulating those types of medications was part of the aim of the bill.

    “You have very strong medications treating very difficult situations,” Mathews said. “But you want to have in-person checks rather than just having telemedicine without having any in-person evaluation.”

    H.B. 324 will now be open for hearings in the Senate Health Committee to hear from those who support and oppose the bill. The next hearing on the legislation has not been scheduled.

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    Source: ohiocapitaljournal.com
    Author: Susan Tebben

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  • Income inequality persists in Ohio, and a new reports says a GOP tax law will make it worse

    Income inequality persists in Ohio, and a new reports says a GOP tax law will make it worse

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    Income inequality persists in Ohio, and a new reports says a GOP tax law will make it worse

    An updated analysis of census data shows that the gap between rich and poor persists in Ohio. And a new Republican “flat” income tax now in effect will only make it worse, the analysis said.

    The richest 0.1% of Americans have seen their cumulative wealth spike by 53% between 2018 and 2025 — to $22.48 trillion, according to Federal Reserve data analyzed by the Institute for Policy Studies.

    That means the richest 343,000 Americans control 5.5 times as much of the national wealth as the 172 million who make up the bottom half of the income distribution.

    Put another way, the average person in the richest 0.1%, has as much money as 2,782 people in the bottom half. 

    As the labor and consumption of people in the bottom half make the rich ever richer, average Americans are burdened with growing costs for healthcare, childcare, groceries, housing, and now gasoline, according to various inflation measurements.

    At least a majority of Americans in the bottom half is one $15,000 expense away from poverty, Dayton data analyst Eric Pachman has found.

    New data confirm the economic trend in Ohio.

    Columbus-based Scioto Analysis this month crunched 2023 census data to update a 2022 analysis it had done of 2018 data.

    By some measures, there was improvement between 2018 and 2023 — a period that bookended the coronavirus pandemic and government programs aimed at propping up the economy by putting money in people’s pockets.

    In 2018, the bottom 50% of Ohio earners got just 13% of total state income. By 2023, that figure had risen to 18%.

    But by another measure of inequality, the Gini coefficient, things had gotten worse. Named for Italian statistician Corrado Gini, the system ranks inequality on a scale of zero to 100. Zero means that everybody has the same income and 100 means one person gets all the money — a state of perfect inequality.

    In 2018, Ohio’s Gini coefficient was 45. Five years later, it had risen to 46.6. 

    By way of comparison, the national Gini coefficient in 2023 was 48.6. So Ohio is somewhat more equal than the United States as a whole.

    To illustrate Ohio’s inequality, the latest Scioto Analysis report compared the federal poverty level to the wealth of the richest man in Ohio.

    “In 2026, the federal poverty threshold for a family of four is $41,250,” it said. “Someone making a poverty wage would need to work about 225,000 years and not spend a dime over that period to accumulate a fortune the size of Les Wexner’s.”

    In Ohio, 1.5 million people fell below the poverty threshold in 2023, according to the Ohio Housing Finance agency.

    The level of inequality varies around the state, with it being greatest in the urban centers of Cleveland, Columbus, and Cincinnati, as well as in the Appalachian region of Southeast Ohio, the report said. 

    Members of some demographic groups are more likely to be nearer the bottom of the inequality curve, with minorities and young Ohioans being overrepresented.

    “Income inequality in Ohio translates into housing inequality, where homeownership rates and housing-cost burdens vary sharply by demographic,” the report said.

    “Housing-cost burden” refers to households that spend more than 30% of their income on housing. It is often expressed in terms of the share of a given group facing that situation.

    “White Ohio residents have a 73% homeownership rate and a 21% rate of housing-cost burden,” the Scioto Analysis report said.

    “In contrast, Black Ohio residents face a 37% homeownership rate and a 42% rate of housing-cost burden. Homeownership rates are highest among older and higher-income Ohioans, and housing cost burdens disproportionately affect younger and lower-income Ohioans.”

    The report said that a negative income tax would be an effective tool for addressing Ohio’s inequality. Under such a system, the government would pay people falling below a certain income level.

    However, Ohio’s Republican leadership did something to the contrary when it adopted the flat income tax that took effect this year. By passing it, “state legislators ensured that in 2026, Ohio’s millionaires will pay the same state income tax rate as public school teachers, child care workers, firefighters or any Ohioan with income over $26,050,” Policy Matters Ohio said earlier this year.

    The Scioto Analysis report said the expected increase in inequality brought about by the flat tax can be measured.

    “… Ohio is currently moving in a more regressive direction with recent changes to the tax structure,” it said. “The transition to a flat income tax structure in 2026 will eliminate most of the equality gains from Ohio’s 2023 income taxes, increasing the Gini coefficient back to 43.6. Reverting to Ohio’s more progressive 2003 income tax structure would lower the Gini Coefficient to 43.”

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    Source: ohiocapitaljournal.com
    Author: Marty Schladen

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  • Economists: Incentives for Ohio data centers are a loser. So is banning new construction

    Economists: Incentives for Ohio data centers are a loser. So is banning new construction

    Economists: Incentives for Ohio data centers are a loser. So is banning new construction

    An aerial view shows an Amazon data center. (Photo by Nathan Howard/Getty Images)

    An aerial view shows an Amazon data center. (Photo by Nathan Howard/Getty Images)

    As electric bills and executive pay at utility and AI companies spike, Ohioans are questioning why they’re being forced to subsidize data centers.

    A panel of economists surveyed on the issue last week said the subsidies are a bad idea. But they also said one of the strongest responses — banning construction of large new centers — is a bad idea, too.

    The outsized power of utilities has been a sore spot in Ohio at least since 2020, when federal prosecutors revealed that Akron-based FirstEnergy had paid $61 million in bribes to get a $1.3 billion ratepayer bailout. Far from stopping the scheme, Gov. Mike DeWine’s top regulator played a prominent role in drafting the corrupt bailout legislation.

    Now grocery prices remain stubbornly high, gasoline prices are approaching $5, Ohioans are losing their healthcare, and the average cost to cool a home is projected to be $778 between June and September

    Part of the increase in electricity prices can be attributed to spiking demand from data centers powering the mushrooming artificial intelligence industry.

    Utilities are allowed to extract a profit from ratepayers on building projects intended to meet the spiking demand. That’s been good for stockholders — and highly profitable for the executives who run the companies.

    For example, Bill Fehrman, CEO of Columbus-based AEP, was paid $37 million — or nearly $12,000 an hour — last year.

    At the same time, the people who control the companies building many of the data centers — Amazon, Google and Microsoft — are among the richest in the world and are said to be in a race to control the AI market.

    It might seem odd, but Ohioans are being forced to subsidize the centers even as the projects cause their electric bills to spike and the centers’ biggest product — artificial intelligence — is projected to put thousands of Ohioans out of work over the coming decades.

    In January, Policy Matters Ohio estimated that some tax breaks for Google and Meta are so big they amount to taxpayers giving up $1 million for each job created. That money is being gifted to companies the top executives of which have a net worth of $1.8 billion and $215 billion, respectively.

    Ohio economists are skeptical of the wisdom of those subsidies.

    Fourteen were asked whether they agreed that “tax incentives for data centers are an efficient use of public funds to stimulate job growth in Ohio.” Ten disagreed, three were uncertain and just one agreed. 

    In the comment section of the survey, Albert Sumell of Youngstown State University made the same point as several other economists — that after construction is complete, data centers create few jobs but lots of environmental impacts.

    “I can’t think of a worse use of public funds than to incentivize data centers. They are associated with very few permanent jobs and high external costs,” he wrote.

    Ejindu Ume of Miami University was the only economist who agreed that subsidies for data centers were a good idea. He did not explain his reasoning in the comment section of the survey.

    As more than 200 data centers have exploded onto the landscape, some Ohioans are calling for a halt. A group is trying to gather 413,000 signatures to put a constitutional ban of large new centers on the November ballot.

    Most of the economists surveyed by Scioto Analysis said the economic costs of such a ban would outweigh the benefits. Seven said they would, two said they would not, and five were uncertain.

    Michael Jones of the University of Cincinnati said that from an economic standpoint, a ban is too heavy-handed. But he added that the companies should pay for their own “externalities” — the environmental and other costs they create.

    “It should be up to the market to pick winners and losers; and Ohio should not be targeting a particular industry,” he wrote. “If there are concerns about energy use or land use, then data centers should internalize and pay the real costs of their deployment.”

    David Brasington, also of the University of Cincinnati, said it comes down to the nation’s safety.

    “AI is a national security issue,” he wrote. “We need to out-compete rival nations in AI, and allowing data centers is critical for that goal. How would it be to wake up one day and find a foreign nation had broken through our cybersecurity firewalls?”

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